Can Iran’s rulers still use enemies abroad to rally nation?

time, promising to improve economic conditions for the poor, as Khomeini had done in 1979.

Instead, however, Ahmadinejad’s administration expanded corruption and cronyism. As a result, the Islamic Republic’s standing in the corruption rankings, according to Transparency International, dropped from 79 out of 133 countries in 2004 to 168 of 180 countries in 2009. At the same time, the regime resumed repressing dissidents, labor activists, women, and religious and ethnic minorities, arresting hundreds of people before the disputed presidential elections of 2009.

Not surprisingly, Ahmadinejad’s policies set the stage for domestic conflicts that erupted in the aftermath of alleged fraud ignited the Green Movement that challenged the foundation of the Islamic Republic. Protesters chanted slogans such as “Where is my vote?” and “Death to the Dictator.”

Protests quickly radicalized and targeted Ayatollah Khamenei, the Supreme Leader. “Khamenei is a murderer, his leadership is revoked” and “Death to the government that deceives the people” were among the rallying cries.

The movement endured for twenty months before being repressed by the regime at a cost of more than 100 dissidents slain and thousands arrested.

The people are struggling for democracy
While the ruling clergy and the Revolutionary Guard have accumulated vast fortunes and control Iran’s political system, ordinary Iranians continue to defy theocratic rule through passive resistance.

Despite the regime’s efforts to expand the practice of Islam, more than half of the country’s mosques are inactive during the year. In fact, according to a recent announcement by General Zia eddin Hozni, only 5 percent of the Shiite (the majority of the population) mosques are fully operational during the year. Seventy-five percent of Iranians and 86 percent of the students do not say the obligatory daily prayers. They are, in effect, refusing to be coerced into heaven.

the disputed presidential election of 2009.

Despite risking severe state punishment, alcohol consumption and sex have spread to the high schools. Women push back their veils at every opportunity. A poll in Tehran found that 71 percent of women did not observe the proper Islamic rules regarding the hijab.

Such widespread resistance demonstrates Iranians’ struggles for democracy and liberty have not ended.

The 1979 revolution unleashed powerful forces, enabling the Islamic clergy to seize power and impose a theocracy, which none of the major constituencies in Iranian society had demanded during the revolutionary struggles.

The theocracy, in turn, generated new, multiple conflicts that adversely affected broad segments of the population, leading to dissent and resistance, necessitating repression.

While democratic forces welcome the resolution of nuclear issues, the Islamic Republic’s rulers are unlikely to cease their anti-American and anti-Israeli rhetoric.

Rather, given this theocracy’s history, its leaders are more likely to focus on external conflicts in order to shore up their power base, deflect attacks, divert attention from unresolved internal problems and repress demands for democracy.

Misagh Parsa is Professor of Sociology at Dartmouth College. This article is published courtesy of The Conversation (under Creative Commons-Attribution/No derivative.