Israelis and Palestinians Warring Over a Homeland Is Far from Unique

One of the most contentious territorial disputes in history involved Alsace-Lorraine, a region that was once part of the German empire in the late 1870s. Both France and Germany had cultural and historical ties to the region, leading to frequent conflicts and changes in sovereignty until World War II, after which it legally became part of France.

After World War II ended in 1945, Germany and France’s joint commitment to rebuilding Europe bound their destinies economically and politically. Leaders in Europe, joined by a vision for unity, peace and the imperative to prevent another world war, played a crucial role in transforming Europe. Historical foes became close allies, marking the start of a unified European identity.

Had you asked people in the 1920s and 1930s whether Franco-German coexistence and peace would have been possible, they would have likely said no.

The Divide Over Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland’s dueling Protestants and Roman Catholics would have given an even more emphatic “no” if asked during much of the 20th century whether they could live together peacefully. This conflict, known as the Troubles, began with Great Britain’s partition of Ireland from itself in 1921. Northern Ireland, however, remained part of Great Britain.

Fighting over what should happen with Northern Ireland fully erupted in the late 1960s and continued until the 1990s.

At its core, the conflict involved competing national identities and allegiances between the predominantly Protestant unionists, who wanted Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom, and the mainly Catholic nationalists, who wanted a united Ireland. Protests and marches, car bombings, riots, sectarian attacks and revenge killings marked this explosive period, resulting in the deaths of more than 3,500 people.

Yet in 1998, the Troubles came to an end when both sides signed the Good Friday Agreement, keeping Northern Ireland part of the United Kingdom but giving residents there the chance to have either British or Irish citizenship, or both. No one prior to 1998 would have imagined this agreement would create the opportunity for reconciliation and peace.

Similarities Across the Conflicts
Just as happened in Europe after World War II and in Northern Ireland in the 1990s, Israelis and Palestinians would also need to find a renewed commitment to dialogue, diplomacy and international cooperation in order to make lasting peace.

But the region has a history of conflict dating back centuries, with both sides experiencing immense suffering and loss. This history creates a deeply rooted mistrust that hampers efforts to find a common understanding that each group of people has long ties to the land.

Contestation over the city of Jerusalem is not simply a city-planning problem, as it encompasses major holy sites from the three Abrahamic traditions. It is home to the Al-Aqsa Mosque, the third holiest place for Muslims worldwide, and the Western Wall, part of the holiest site for Jews globally.

The Church of the Holy Sepulchre, or Church of the Resurrection, is also in Jerusalem. It’s the holiest site for Christians who believe this is where Jesus was crucified, entombed and later resurrected. This helps explain why Jews, Muslims and Christians all feel as if they have a vital stake in who controls Jerusalem.

Unraveling Pain and Loss
There was a time, including in the 1990s, when Israeli and Palestinian political leaders discussed a two-state solution, with a shared capital in Jerusalem, as a way out of the conflict and into a common future. No longer.

The current violence in Gaza and Israel – and escalating conflict over the West Bank – only deepens the entrenched homeland narratives on both sides, with each side fearing the survival of their homeland is at stake in any potential compromise.

It will take years – or even generations – to unravel the pain and loss that each side is experiencing in the current war.

Unless Palestinians and Israelis can find a way to detach the disputed land from their identities, there are no straightforward solutions. This is what happened in Alsace-Lorraine and Northern Ireland – but it’s not clear that such a transformation in thinking will take place anytime soon in the Middle East.

Ultimately, the tragedy of deep attachment to a homeland territory lies in the fact that while it can create a sense of belonging for one group, it too often comes at the expense of another.

Monica Duffy Toft is Professor of International Politics and Director of the Center for Strategic Studies, The Fletcher School, Tufts University. This article is published courtesy of The Conversation.